Pakistan is in the grip of an explosive situation. There are those who wish to steer the country toward secularism and there are those who wish to establish an Islamic state in which all public expressions of non-Islamic character are banned. Within this camp, there are differing opinions about how best to establish such a state as well as about the real make-up of such a society: What does an Islamic society look like in an age of the global dominance of secularism? What would be the governing structure of such a state? How would its various institutions function in a manner that would be really Islamic? Amidst all of these conflicting views, there are the opportunists who are heaping gains, some even in the name of Islam.
At the heart of this situation lies a deeper dilemma characterized by multiple failures stretching all the way back to 1947, when the Islamic Republic of Pakistan came into existence. This coming into existence of a state in the name of Islam was a singular event for Muslims in the modern era, especially in the wake of a strong movement for secularization which was then sweeping the Muslim world.
The success of those who strive for establishing Pakistan is beyond doubt, but so are their failures: Pakistan had no solid foundation for establishing state institutions which would steer the course of events toward the ideal for which millions of men, women and children sacrificed their lives. As soon as the state came into existence, it was delivered into the hands of institutions which were left behind by the British. The military was the strongest and the most organized of these institutions. Nothing really changed on August 14, 1947, except the faces of those who held state offices. The parliament, the judiciary, the civil service, the educational and financial systems, in fact, everything remained the same. It seems that those who dreamed up an Islamic vision for this state lived in a fools’ paradise and thought that an Islamic state could be established just by wishing its existence, without taking any concrete steps.
This grand failure was then compounded by the greed, corruption, and incompetence of many who took charge of the nascent state and soon the rot spread throughout the state and society. The result was chaos marked by moral decay and erosion of values. The only logical outcome of this situation was a takeover of the state by the only organized institution which had the means to do so: the military takeover of the state then opened a seemingly unending process of periodic rule of one man clad in uniform.
Almost sixty years later, Pakistan is at the brink of a disaster which will be bloodier than any recent history has witnessed. It is now a battleground for all kinds of stray struggles ranging from ethnic and sectarian strife to a process of rapid secularization which has been accelerated during the last seven years beyond all expectations. The complexity of the situation can hardly be overstated, for each of these strands of conflicting views and aspirations has splinter groups, each trying to establish its own writ.
The country has no real leadership at any level — whether in civil society or in those who are clamoring in the name of Islam. In fact, the failure of religious leadership is most damaging of all these shortcomings for it has betrayed the trust of the people time and again. There is hardly any integrity among politicians. The judiciary has recently taken a stand against the military dictatorship, but it has seldom been a positive force against the currents that have torn the country for sixty years.
Given all of this, the present strife promises nothing, not even temporary relief. This anarchy of thought and action has potential for nothing but more violence in which the lives of thousands of innocent men, women, and children will be shattered. No matter who wins this purposeless struggle, the essential dilemmas faced by the state and society in Pakistan will not change. All roads seem to lead to the same dead end.
In this dark scenario, there is only one ray of hope: underneath this seemingly chaotic situation is a desire for change, a desire shared by millions of men and women who do not know how this change will come about but who, nevertheless, are willing to pay whatever price it demands. After sixty years of false hopes, this desire for change is now not merely for the sake of change but has a direction characterized by a longing for that original ideal of an Islamic state that marked the birth of this nation-state in 1947. This ideal has never been given a real chance. No one has been able to guide this nation of passionate people toward the realization of this ideal. So far, no one has been able to provide the kind of leadership required to even begin the journey toward this ideal.
What gives one hope is that in spite of this dearth of leadership, in spite of the multiple failures of religious leaders, the attachment to this ideal Islamic state has not dwindled; if anything, a new generation of men and women has emerged to reclaim adherence to this ideal. This new generation is much more mature than the previous two generations and all it needs is sincere and able leadership to steer this country out of its present morose state.
From The News
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